Monday, January 14, 2013

"FALANDO PARA A FITA COLA"

Eu,

já não tenho adjectivos, já não tenho palavras, e já não tenho paciência

em 1992 quando fui à Judiciária pela 1.ª vez trataram-me mal, puseram-me na rua e ignoram-me como se fosse um animal

em 1996, a mesma coisa, e nem na PGR me deixaram apresentar queixa, que apenas consegui escrever no livro amarelo

em 2001, a mesma merda

em 2007, estiveram-se cagando que eu tivesse estado na Embaixada de Israel, e trataram-me como psicologicamente perturbada e sei lá

os israelitas em 2004, levaram o assunto muito a sério

hoje, o País está totalmente sob escuta, totalmente vigiado por mini câmaras ocultas

o País é totalmente controlado pela Colômbia

a manipulação da mente, é de tal maneira um assunto sério

e Portugal não tem a minima noção do que se trata, 

os políticos que de economistas têm queijos da serra nos cornos

a PJ que devia ganhar o prémio Nobel da incompetência

pois, eu "safo-me" cada um por si Deus por Todos

vocês?

façam o que puderem

Lemoniz Nuclear Power Plant is an unfinished nuclear power plant in LemonizSpain. Its construction stopped in 1983 when the Spanish nuclear power expansion program was cancelled following a change of government. Its two PWRs, each of 900MWe, were almost complete but were never operated.
Conflict concerning the Lemóniz Nuclear Power Plant was one of the major anti-nuclear issues in the 1970s and 1980s in Spain.[1]

[edit]ETA response

The building of the power station was opposed by ETA, a terrorist Basque independentist organisation. The first attack on the site took place on 18 December 1977, when an ETA commando unit attacked a Guardia Civil post which was guarding the station. One of the cell members, David Álverez Peña, was injured in the attack and died a month later. On 17 March 1978, ETA planted a bomb in the reactor of the station, causing the death of two workers (Andrés Guerra and Alberto Negro), and wounded another two. The explosion also caused substantial material damage to the facility, which set back construction.
Gladys del Estal, anti-nuclear activist killed during the construction of the station.
Logo created by the sculptor Chillidaagainst the Lemoniz Nuclear Power Plant.
On 3 June 1979, the anti-nuclear activist Gladys del Estal from Donostia died after being hit by a bullet from the police force Guardia Civil during a demonstration in Tudela (Navarra) on the international day of action against nuclear power. Ten days later, on the 13th of June, ETA managed to get another bomb into the works on the facility, this time in the turbine area. The explosion caused the death of another worker, Ángel Baños. Meanwhile, numerous demonstrations, activities and festivals attended by thousands were being held across the southern Basque Country by ecologists and left leaning groups to demand the closure of the station
The escalation of ETA's actions came to a head on 29 January 1981, when they kidnapped the chief engineer of the power station, José María Ryan, from Bilbao. They gave a week for the facility to be demolished and threatened to kill the kidnapped engineer. Although there was a large demonstration in Bilbao for the liberation of the engineer, and after the deadline for demolishing the station had passed, ETA killed Ryan, causing an outcry and the first anti-ETA strike.
However, the killing of Ryan resulted in the de facto stoppage of works at the site, and the power company Iberduero, owner of the facilities, officially stopped the works while waiting for the Basque Government to explicitly support continuing the development.

LOOK AT OBAMA'S CHIMPANZE AND THE BEAUTIFUL CARLA BRUNNI


Société de Distribution Africaine is a company created by its CEO, the Belgian Philippe de Moerloose

The investigations published by Maka so far have prompted an increasing interest in bringing to light new corruption cases, as was hoped from the beginning.

The most recent case that has come to our attention illustrates the role of foreign investment in broadening, consolidating and institutionalising corrupt dealings with the country’s political leaders. This case involves the ‘general distributor of Mercedes-Benz cars for Daimler in Angola’.

On 12 July 2009, the minister of state and head of the Military Bureau in the presidency of Angola, General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Júnior ‘Kopelipa’, set up the company Auto-Star Angola, making himself the majority shareholder. The deputy director of the Office of National Reconstruction (GRN), Manuel José Cardoso do Amaral Van-Dúnem, and the faithful depository of General Kopelipa’s businesses, were each granted a 10 per cent shareholding. The businessmen Herculano Adelço de Morais and António de Lemos received 30 per cent and 10 per cent of the shares respectively. 

The website of the Belgian company Société de Distribution Africaine (SDA) announced the creation of Auto-Star with the intention of setting up ‘a Belgian and Angolan joint-venture that officially represents Mercedes and Evobus in Angola’. The website describes Auto-Star Angola as a subsidiary of SDA and as having modern facilities, including offices and salesrooms on a 2,000m site in the Viana industrial area in the suburbs of Luanda. The company’s own publicity brochure says the site is 89,000,000m in size with facilities ‘planned by Mercedes-Benz’s Architectural Office’. The site is in the special economic zone in Viana, which falls under the jurisdiction of the GRN. Until last April the director of the GRN was General Kopelipa himself, while Manuel Van-Dúnem, his partner in Auto-Star Angola, is still the GRN’s deputy director.

THE FOREIGN PARTNERS AND THE LAW

Société de Distribution Africaine is a company created by its CEO, the Belgian Philippe de Moerloose. The Report of the United Nations Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in November 2009, mentioned De Moerloose as having flouted UN Security Council Resolution nº 1807 (a, 5). This resolution provides that any consignment of weapons or related material to the DRC must be reported in advance to the UN, in accordance with its peace mission mandate in that country.

According to the report, Philippe de Moerloose holds 70 per cent of the shares in Hewa Bora Airways, which was used to transport arms and ammunition to the Congolese army in 2008 and 2009. The same Philippe de Moerloose is also quoted in his capacity as founder and chairman of Demimpex, a company that served as an intermediary in the sale of military vehicles to the Congolese government in 2008. The experts confirmed with the Belgian authorities that Demimpex, now associated with Auto-Star Angola, has no licence for the import, export or transport of weapons, ammunition, military equipment and associated technology. The experts stressed that the relevant Belgian legislation applies to its citizens and companies, regardless of whether or not military material passes through Belgian territory.

On 12 August 2010, the German ambassador to Angola, Jorgen-Werner Marquardt, gave an interview to Semanário Económico, the Angolan business weekly, in a move to promote German business interests. This newspaper belongs to the Media Nova group, owned by General Kopelipa in partnership with his current top adviser, General Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento, and Manuel Vicente, the chairman and CEO of Sonangol, the Angolan national oil company.

During the interview, Marquardt highlighted the investments of the German automobile industry in Angola: ‘Mercedes has opened in Viana with a sales dealership and repair shop. It will also have the capacity to assemble trucks on a 500-hectare site. I hope to visit the location soon. There is also a similar project by Volkswagen, which is taking place.’

The chairman of the board of Auto-Star Angola is Jörgen Nührmann, who among other posts at Daimler, the parent company of Mercedes-Benz, was previously director of after-sales service in Mexico.

From the legal point of view, Angola’s current Law on Probity defines the receiving of economic advantage by a public official, in the form of a percentage of a business deal, as an act leading to illegal enrichment (article 2, 1, a). This is exactly what General Kopelipa and Manuel José Cardoso do Amaral Van-Dúnem did when, as officials in the GRN, they acted in favour of Auto-Star’s business.

SDA and Mercedes-Benz, for their part, engaged in acts defined by law as of active corruption of public officials (article 21 of the Angolan Penal Code). It has become normal for foreign investors to ignore anti-corruption laws thanks to the impunity that they enjoy through their association with the regime’s most corrupt and abusive figures. Angolan law nevertheless incorporates international treaties against corruption, such as the United Nations Convention against Corruption. Belgium, SDA’s home country, became a signatory to the same convention on 25 September 2008.

The Law on Probity (article 31, 1, b) provides for several penalties such as seizure of the ill-gotten assets and their incorporation into state ownership, dismissal from public office and the surrender of goods acquired illegally by the public servants involved. The same article states that companies who break this law may be punished by being barred from entering into further contracts with public entities. This could apply to Auto-Star Angola.

CONCLUSION

This is not the first time that the German car industry has been involved in influence-peddling in Angola. Volkswagen has already set a serious precedent. The Council of Ministers, in its Resolution 39/04 of 23 December 2004, authorised the National Private Investment Agency (ANIP) to enter into an investment contract with the American company Ancar World Investments Holding for the installation of an assembly plant for Volkswagen and Skoda cars in Viana, Luanda, an investment valued at US$48 million. The agreement was signed on 26 January 2005 and included an undertaking to concede 49 per cent of the shares in Ancar to five Angolan entities, namely:

- ACAPIR Lda., a company owned by the Angolan president’s daughter, Welwitchia dos Santos, usually known as Tchizé dos Santos
- Mbakassi & Filhos, official representative of Volkswagen in Angola
- GEFI, a company owned by the MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola - Labour Party)
- Suninvest, the investment arm of the Fundação Eduardo dos Santos (FESA), the president’s private concern
- Tchany Perdigão Abrantes, the president’s niece.

The businessman António Mosquito objected to the arbitrary transfer of 16 per cent of the shares that had belonged to his company, Mbakassi & Filhos, to Tchizé dos Santos who took on the role of vice-chair of Ancar’s board.

In an effort to settle the dispute, Ismael Diogo, the chairman of FESA, held a meeting at the president’s foundation headquarters. The minutes of the meeting stated that he did so on behalf and ‘according to a mandate from His Excellency the President of the Republic, Engineer José Eduardo dos Santos, to clarify the circumstances and the reality that ACAPIR Lda. would have to participate in the Ancar – Automoveis de Angola joint-venture, owing to the fact that one of the shareholders was the daughter of the head of state, to obtain his favour for the approval of the investment project’.

The meeting, according to the minutes, concluded that ‘at no moment did Ancar Worldwide Investments Holding justify the offer of 16 per cent to ACAPIR Lda. in order to benefit from the favours of His Excellency, the President of the Republic, in the approval of the project’.

Consequently, according to reports in the German press, the Volkswagen head office delayed the building of the vehicle production line in Angola. More details are contained in the report ‘MPLA Ltd’, which can be read athttp://makaangola.com/wp-content/uploads/MPLA-Limited.pdf .

In the words of an Angolan political analyst, who preferred to remain anonymous, ‘when it comes to doing business with the Angolan regime, foreign investors do not want to be left out from the corruption schemes.’

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS 

* This article was originally published by Maka Angola.
* Rafael Marques de Morais is an Angolan journalist and writer with a special interest in Angola's political economy and human rights. In 2000 he won the distinguished Percy Qoboza Award for Outstanding Courage from the National Association of Black Journalists (US). In 2006, he received the Civil Courage Prize, from the Train Foundation (US) for his human rights activities. 
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Trillions hidden in offshore accounts



E estamos no jogo: Os espanhois não conseguem jogar, o Porto domina a bola, passe atrás de passe, é só descer a baliza, não tem tido muita sorte, os remates saem ao lado, parece que o defesa do Porto está fora de jogo, o juiz da linha está a vê-lo, de repente o jogador sobe até aos espanhois, já não está em posição irregular, do outrol lado do campo, alguém desce de repente, à boca da baliza, passa a abola de um lado ao outro, remata, Golo! Jogada duvidosa dizem os espanhois...

Preto está calmamente no camarote, não sabe que vamos para as Competições europeias. Vamos para a Suiça, onde os euros são congelados, e não vem na Imprensa:

More than half the world‘s money passes almost undetected through a series of financial black holes that shelter it from not only the tax collector but from shareholders, partners and wives, a Tribune-Review investigation found.
Once employed by gangsters such as Meyer Lansky and Lucky Luciano, these secret bank accounts have grown so vast and lawless that some experts tell the Trib they fear the amount of money involved threatens societies from China to Africa, Europe and the United States. World leaders railed against the impact of secret havens during the G20 summit in Pittsburgh three years ago.
“They have caused a huge imbalance in the market,” said John Christensen, director of London-based Tax Justice Network, which was established by the British Parliament in 2003 to examine tax issues worldwide.
“They are the very opposite of capitalism, which is supposed to be based on transparency. They are the shadow economy.”
From Switzerland and a couple of Caribbean islands, the black holes are in 70 or more countries. Christensen said studies by several organizations, including the International Monetary Fund, put the total stash at as much as $25 trillion.
In contrast, the Commerce Department pegs the gross national product of the United States at more than $15 trillion.
The black holes emit no light, according to organizations that study them, including the IRS. They hide owners and assets. Officers and directors are strawmen. Host countries get little, if any, taxes and earn fees mostly by promising to keep everyone in the dark. Few public records exist.
Owners revealed by accident typically are corporations in other black holes halfway across the world.
Though tax evasion and avoidance are only part of the reason for the shadow economy, they play a role. Tax losses to the United States amount to $1 trillion over a decade, according to the Congressional Research Service. That‘s the amount congressional leaders tried to cut in last summer‘s deficit showdown.
Across Europe, experts say tax dodgers undermine economies in places such as Greece and Spain, threatening the euro as a whole.
It isn‘t just tax dodgers or “old money” in New York or London who use the accounts. New players have caught on.
For every $1 that Western companies invest in China, a Trib analysis found, the Chinese hide $4 offshore.
From 2000 to 2009, that net illicit outflow totaled $2.74 trillion, according to Global Financial Integrity, which champions tax reform in the developing world.
“Corruption in China dwarfs the rest of the world,” Global Financial spokesman Clark Gascoigne said. “The economists here are very pessimistic about China‘s long-term prospects.”
James Henry, owner of the Sag Harbor Group in New York, an international business consulting agency, said he disagrees with the methodology that Global Financial uses to reach its figure, but agrees that there is significant capital flight from China. He said at least half of world funds pass through shadow jurisdictions, at least on paper.
China soon will see the effects of corruption in the failure of infrastructure the Communist Party built during the past decade, said Sarah Freitas, one of the economists who wrote the Global Financial report.
Until then, the Chinese appear determined to shovel their newfound wealth out of the country. A 2011 study by China Merchants Bank and Bain & Co. found that nearly 60 percent of wealthy Chinese have or will invest overseas.
The British Virgin Islands is a favorite haven. The islands‘ 30,000 people host more than 400,000 corporations – at least 13 for each resident.
A SIMPLE, SHADY PROCESS
Offshore accounts can hide wealth and disguise losses. Enron Corp. used off-shore accounts to hide weakness in its balance sheet, records show.
The shadow economy reaches virtually every place on Earth.
Western Pennsylvania companies have more than 300 subsidiaries in countries that federal researchers deemed to be “financial privacy jurisdictions,” such as the Cayman Islands, Singapore and the South Pacific island of Vanuatu. Nationwide, doctors set up Caribbean island accounts to hide assets in case of malpractice suits.
Anyone with an Internet connection could, for example, create a company in the Indian Ocean nation of Mauritius that would control a shell company in Wyoming and be run by a trustee in the Central American country of Belize.
Because it can be done so easily for just a few hundred dollars, a husband sitting at home could hide nearly all of a couple‘s money before driving to a courthouse to file for divorce.
‘STEP AHEAD OF THE SHERIFF‘
Americans who hide money illegally in foreign accounts cost the United States up to $70 billion a year, the Congressional Research Service reports.
David Alan, a Greene County optometrist, set up accounts in the Bahamas and the Caribbean island of Nevis to avoid income taxes. He claimed just $38 in income – and $4 in federal taxes – for a year when actual amounts were $242,740 in income and $66,898 in taxes, prosecutors said. Alan went to federal prison in October after a former employee reported him to the IRS.
“It‘s a blatant defiance of the tax law,” said Sybil Smith, acting special agent in charge of the Criminal Investigation Division at Pittsburgh‘s IRS office. “It shifts the tax burden to innocent taxpayers, and is that fair?”
Efforts to sweep up tax cheats largely have foundered. Since 2009 and the G20 summit in Pittsburgh, world leaders have stepped up enforcement but dodgers have moved money to more obscure hideouts.
Evasion was the tack followed by a Pittsburgh couple who opened a secret Swiss account in the 1960s. Because their bank was compelled to turn over account information in response to a U.S. indictment, the couple moved their money to a smaller, private Swiss bank and then to another. Finally, one of their grown children talked with Swiss bankers about coming clean to the IRS. U.S. prosecutors now are using the family to go after the bankers.
In all, more than 33,000 Americans voluntarily came forward in 2009, 2011 and this year to disclose $5 billion held in secret foreign accounts, the IRS said last month. No one knows how much remains hidden.
Rules that take effect in 2014 under the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act require foreign banks to report holdings by Americans or be subject to a 30 percent withholding tax on money leaving the United States.
The Paris-based Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development has led the international effort to bring havens into compliance with information-sharing agreements about hidden bank accounts. Still, the group cannot estimate how much money remains hidden, according to Monica Bhatia, head of the OECD‘s Global Forum on Transparency.
“It‘s a work in progress,” she said. “As we progress, we‘re making life more and more difficult for people to hide money anywhere.”
Nations that benefit from taxes and bank fees on offshore accounts have no self-interest in helping developed countries track down hidden money, said Robert Kudrle, a professor at the University of Minnesota. “Nobody really wants to do anything, other than stay one step ahead of the sheriff.”
COUNTRIES PAY HIGH COST
Though the numbers are “squishy,” corporations using mostly legal tax dodges through subsidiaries in offshore financial havens cost the United States $60 billion a year, said Jane Gravelle, a researcher with the Congressional Research Service.
Offshoring combined with transfer pricing – in which profits are shifted to low- or no-tax jurisdictions – plays a big role, the service reports.
U.S. companies hold $22 trillion abroad, according to a Commerce Department annual survey, and much of it pools in places known for low taxes and tight secrecy: $1.25 trillion is in Luxembourg and Mauritius holds $34 billion.
Even when companies say they are using legal means to avoid paying taxes, it can lead to disputes.
Drug company Merck paid $2.3 billion in back taxes and penalties as part of a 2007 agreement with the IRS; GlaxoSmithKline paid the feds $3.4 billion in back taxes and fines a year earlier because of a transfer pricing dispute.
Lawmakers could close legal loopholes but don‘t, said Dhammika Dharmapala, an economist at the University of Illinois College of Law and an expert on corporate tax havens.
“It should be a no-brainer,” said Joseph Stead, senior economic justice adviser for Christian Aid, a British charity that tracks lost taxes in developing countries. “You have governments all over the world in desperate need of revenues at the minute, and this would help them track it down. And yet they‘re not.”
SECRECY FIRST
Tax evasion no longer is the lead motivation for much of the money flowing into the shadow economy. Often, people simply want to hide what they have — either from law enforcement or lawsuits.
Websites offer to help small business owners protect assets from potential litigants and tell divorcees how to keep their former spouses from touching their assets. Money flowing from other countries ends up in states such as Wyoming, Nevada and Delaware with low reporting requirements.
Corruption, kickbacks, bribery and illicit trade pricing throughout developing countries accounted for most of the $8.4 trillion siphoned out in the century‘s first decade, according to Global Financial.
In developing countries, the amount of money leaking out often equals or exceeds aid flowing in, Stead and other experts said. Fixing that problem could reduce dependence on foreign aid.
Ethiopia‘s 94 million people are among the world‘s poorest, with per capita income of about $1,000 by CIA estimates. The country received $829 million in development assistance in 2009.
The Global Financial analysis found that the Ethiopian elite transferred $3.26 billion out of the country that year. The impact of that lost bounty, it said, is clear: “The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry.”
———
Editor‘s note: This story is one in a series on hidden money.
Lou Kilzer and Andrew Conte are staff writers for Trib Total Media. Kilzer can be reached at 412-380-5628 or lkilzer@tribweb.com. Conte can be reached at 412-320-7835 or andrewconte@tribweb.com.


Read more: http://triblive.com/news/2126360-74/tax-money-accounts-taxes-countries-financial-hide-billion-china-global#ixzz2Hwks4duq 
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